Tuesday, February 16, 2010

LizPeek.com-on my shitlist of idiotic Republican women

LizPeek.com



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About Liz Peek

Liz Peek was one of the first women on Wall Street to earn that most hallowed of titles --Partner. After graduating with an Honors Degree in Economics from Wellesley College she joined a research boutique on Wall Street where she developed an improbable expertise in backhoes, mining equipment, wireline services and drilling fluids. She became a CFA and in 1975 she moved to Wertheim & Company, a leading equities house which subsequently was bought by Schroder, Inc. and then by Citigroup. During almost two decades with the firm, Liz became a top-ranked analyst covering oilfield services companies, co-head of investment research and head of the firm’s international research department. As a partner she was seconded to Schroder to assist that company’s entry into the equities business at the time of London’s “Big Bang”, and then undertook to build Wertheim’s equities business in Tokyo.

Liz was the first woman to head the National Association of Petroleum Investment Analysts, a national organization of several hundred energy investors, and was a frequent contributor to the Wall Street Journal, Oil and Gas Journal, Wall Street Transcript and other industry periodicals. She was a guest on Wall Street Week and other financial programs.

In recent years Liz has been a columnist with The New York Sun, FoxNews.com, The Huffington Post, The Motley Fool and Women on the Web (wowOwow.) She is a frequent guest on Fox’ Strategy Room, and has appeared on other TV programs. She has been twice nominated for a Loeb Award. She is Vice Chairman of the Board of Fashion Institute of Technology, a SUNY college of some 10,000 students, and serves on the Executive Committee of the Central Park Conservancy Women’s Committee. She is married to Jeffrey Peek and has three children.

MY RANT ON LIZ
I HIGHLY DOUBT THAT THE HUFFINGTON POST TOUTS MRS PEEKS PRAISES. I will have to check out THOSE credentials
So as you can see, Mrs. Peek had a hand in the downfall of America, by being a wall street leader and wheeler dealer. Well god bless Liz peek, huh? Are all you conservative tea baggers belly aching at Liz for causing the financial woes in this country? Nope. You8 are too busy trying to get a Black man out of the Presidential Oval office, and put some looney fruitcake beauty pageant queen with no sense in her head instead. Maybe Liz will run as her VP. The TIGER is unleashed today grrrr.

Native Hawaiian claims county land, Aloha Run today, Honolulu bus ridership down, homeless up, state hospital troubled, more top Hawaii news

Native Hawaiian claims county land, Aloha Run today, Honolulu bus ridership down, homeless up, state hospital troubled, more top Hawaii news

FOXNews.com - Why You Should Worry About the Census

FOXNews.com - Why You Should Worry About the Census

Did you know that the census does not distinguish between illegal immigrants and U.S. citizens? It does not, which raises questions such as: Should Arizona win more seats in the House of Representatives because it harbors a large number of illegal aliens? Or, should people who can’t vote decide how many electoral college votes California is awarded?

If you thought that the decennial nose-count was a $14 billion frivolity I have news for you: the 2010 census is generating the same kind of grass-roots organizing – and with many of the same participants -- who carried Barack Obama into the White House. Why the excitement? The census will determine not only the number of seats each state holds in the House of Representatives but also the distribution of some $400 billion in federal program monies. It will also guide the infamous redistricting by which state legislators redraw voting districts so as to bolster their power base. In other words, the stakes are high.

What’s new this year is that the Obama administration is pushing the Census Bureau to spend hundreds of millions of dollars to reach minority communities that have been “undercounted” in the past. Reporting higher numbers of residents in poor black or Hispanic neighborhoods will attract more federal (needed) funding, and more importantly, will boost the regions’ House seats, which will likely be filled by Democrats. It’s a cozy arrangement.

Astonishingly, the Census Bureau won an extra $1 billion in stimulus program funds to further this mission, though the cost of the census surely had been included in the fiscal 2009-2010 budget. The press release tagged $250 million of this amount for minority outreach, but it appears that more than $400 million may have been so directed. In particular, the Bureau has targeted Hispanic neighborhoods, where the high concentration of illegal immigrants makes people wary of responding to a government survey. Consequently, this 2010 census will include a far greater number of illegal immigrants than ever before.

Since its beginning, the census has never required respondents to identify their citizenship status. This approach was historically not considered significant, but as the number of illegal immigrants in the country has grown to an estimated 12 to 20 million, the impact on the country’s political makeup has become a matter of contention.

Just recently the Senate rejected a bill introduced by Senators Vitter of Louisiana and Bennett of Utah which would have required respondents to (confidentially) indicate their citizenship status. Senator Bennett knows from experience how the Census can impact states; in 2000 Utah missed earning a fourth House seat because some 11,000 Mormon missionaries were traveling outside the state and were not counted. In proposing his bill, Mr. Bennett chides the current process, saying it “unfairly provides the advantage to those communities with high illegal populations.”

He has a point. In a Wall Street Journal piece last August, authors John Baker and Elliot Stonecipher noted that eliminating non-citizens could cost California some 9 House seats by the end of the decade, while Texas could lose 4 seats. More seats, more power and of course more money.

The Census Bureau, in order to further its ambition for a full count, has enlisted some 30,000 “partners” –community organizations around the country -- for the purpose of promoting the survey. ACORN, the much-vilified organization convicted of voter fraud in the last election originally signed up to help but has since been dropped in response to wide-spread criticism.

However, their close ally the SEIU is still on the list, and has been pushing hard to promote the census among Hispanics. Andy Stern, head of the SEIU, has said that the last census “undercounted” the Latino community by some 3%, or one million people. His organization is determined to prevent that happening again. Why does he care? The SEIU is one of the fastest-growing unions in the country, with many of its new members coming from minority communities and a large portion employed by the government. Minority voters tend to elect Democrats, who generally favor expanded government, to represent them. The greater the number of Democrats in the House, the greater the expansion of the government work force, the larger the SEIU. It’s a marriage made in heaven.

As hundreds of thousands of volunteers fan out across the country in coming weeks, it will be impossible to know what message they spread. They will purportedly prompt participation in the census. It is also possible that they will encourage fraud, in an effort to boost particular communities’ benefits. Reggie Bacchus, a minister at a Chicago-area church, recently said he would “get the surveys and set up in barbershops, Laundromats, phone stores” – anywhere people might congregate. A spokesperson for the Census Bureau, Lisa Cochrane, said that forms would only be mailed to homes. Someone needs to tell Mr. Bacchus. While doubtless a large number of people are setting out to bring in funding that underserved communities need, this push to report higher numbers of residents in low income neighborhoods is certainly going to be hard to oversee. Unlike Election Day, there will be no poll watchers.

Liz Peek is a financial columnist and frequent Fox Forum contributor. For more go to LizPeek.com.

MY TAKE ON THIS PERVERTED< TWISTED AND DISGUSTING "ARTICLE". LIZ PEEK IS A RACIST SCUM IN MY BOOK

The most dangerous, evil and conniving campaign against the census. We all know the story. A census worker wsas hanged. Becasue of rhetoric just like this. Perhaps this writer should go and talk to the census workers family and apologies for his lunacy.

Anyone who thinks that not filling out the census will somehow get their right wing ideologies out there and make some sort of a tea bagger statement are sadly mistaken.

All it will do is bankrupt your states, cause you to lose vital representation in all seats of government, prevent infrastructure from being built, hold back construction jobs,m prevent more police, fire, ambulance and lifeguards in your areas, and prevent other types of funding like trash pick ups, health services, dumps, renewable energy resources and any and all funding that is supported by any branch of Government. It would cause hundreds of thousands of workers to be laid off, due to shortfalls in spending allocations based on numbers. Go ahead. Protest the census because you think it means more help for poor, disables, elderly and supposedly anchor babies. Go ahead. Take the schools housing food and living and education accommodations away from them. Then, when they pile the dead bodies on your doorstep you can feel proud of yourself. This lunacy has GOT to end. GROWLING angry tiger right now over this. FOX is IRRESPONSIBLE!! Call the FCC and have their lisence REVOKED!!

Teacher Calls Bible a 'Hate Crime' | The FOX Nation

Teacher Calls Bible a 'Hate Crime' | The FOX Nation

GOP bill aims to retool immigrant birthright citizenship - DailyBulletin.com

GOP bill aims to retool immigrant birthright citizenship - DailyBulletin.com

FOXNews.com - Our Last Chance to Get It Right In Afghanistan

FOXNews.com - Our Last Chance to Get It Right In Afghanistan

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Press Briefing | The White House

Press Briefing | The White House



The White House

Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
February 11, 2010
Briefing by White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs and CEA Chair Christina Romer, 2/11/10
James S. Brady Press Briefing Room

*Syria: We have not formally nominated an Ambassador.

**Google/Iran: Google has not been in touch with the White House regarding Iran.

1:05 P.M. EST

MR. GIBBS: Good afternoon. I need to get a shot clock up here. (Laughter.)

Q You never -- obviously it’s Dr. Romer who made you on time.

MR. GIBBS: Well, you know, I am -- the President and Dr. Romer are very good examples, and I thought I'd follow their lead, Chuck.

I want to do two quick announcements, and then I will turn this over to Dr. Romer, the chair of the President's Council on Economic Advisers to talk about the report -- Economic Report to the President.

The first announcement earlier today, President Obama called to congratulate President-elect Laura Chinchilla of Costa Rica for her recent electoral win. The President reaffirmed his commitment to working in close relationship with Costa Rice on issues of mutual interest, including clean energy, climate change, and security for the benefit of both countries and for the people of the Americas.

Secondly, on February 18th, the President will meet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama. The meeting will take place in the Map Room here at the White House. The Dalai Lama is an internationally respected religious leader and spokesman for Tibetan rights. And the President looks forward to an engaging and constructive dialogue.

Q Any coverage on that?

Q Coverage?

MR. GIBBS: I don't have that yet.

Q Why in the Map Room?

MR. GIBBS: That is the best place that the President felt and the team here felt for the meeting to take place.

Q Diplomatic considerations?

MR. GIBBS: Pardon?

Q Diplomatic considerations?

MR. GIBBS: How so?

Q Deciding not to have it in the Oval Office --

MR. GIBBS: No President has met with the Dalai Lama in the Oval Office.

Now I'm going to turn it over to Dr. Christy Romer, who will talk to you a little bit about the economic report that the President will sign in about 20 minutes.

So, Dr. Romer.

DR. ROMER: All right. Well, it is a pleasure to be with you all. You have to know that for a chair of the Council of Economic Advisers, there's no bigger day than the day that her first Economic Report of the President comes out. So anyway, so that is what brings me here.

I think for anyone who is not a devoted fan of the economic report, I thought it would be helpful to give just a little bit of background. So the Employment Act of 1946 set up the Council of Economic Advisers to bring the best professional advice to the President on economic matters. It also mandated -- or said it was the role of the federal government to promote maximum employment, production, and purchasing power, and that every year the Council of Economic Advisers of the President were to submit a report to Congress saying how we were doing.

And so this year's economic report is the 64th, I believe, in this line of classics. Each economic report does three things: It talks about the challenges, the economic challenges that we face as a country; it talks about what policies were put into place in the previous year and how they worked, and it lays out the President's economic agenda going forward.

I think -- I like to think that this year's economic report is particularly important, not because of me but because of the times that we are facing. I think if you think about the economic challenges that we face, there's probably not for a very long time been as great a set of economic challenges.

And of course, these span all the way from of course the immediate crisis, right? When we came in, if you remember back to a year ago, we were losing close to 800,000 jobs a month. Real GDP was plummeting. Our financial system was certainly very stressed, and there were real questions about what would be happening.

But we also know that there was a reason that the President had run for President on a lot of economic issues even before the economic crisis -- things like stagnating incomes for middle-class families, soaring health care costs, the fact that as an economy we were failing to invest adequately in educating our children for the jobs of the future, investing in innovation and other things that would help us to grow faster over time.

All right, so I think that certainly makes this volume particularly important to document the challenges that we face.

The second thing that I think is so important about the volume is to put down in one place all of the economic actions that we've taken. And it's not a surprise by far the longest chapter in the economic report is on the rescue, just simply because this was an economy in a terrible crisis. But it really goes through laying out not just the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act, but what the Federal Reserve did, all of the policies for financial stability, our housing program.

But then it also goes through the policies put in place in a lot of other areas. I think it's so easy when we're all caught up and thinking about what's going to happen with the health care reform bill that is before the House and the Senate, to remember back that we passed the reauthorization of the Children's Health Insurance Program that brought health insurance coverage to an additional 4 million children.

And we just go through all of those kinds of accomplishments. We're in the middle of doing financial regulatory reform. Let's remember we passed the credit card bill last spring to try to deal with some of the consumer issues there.

And so it really is, in one place, getting a sense of the tremendous amount that has been accomplished.

And then of course it lays forward the President's economic agenda. And here -- I think one thing that is I think so important to keep in mind, as an economist, the way we think about economic policy is, you know, what is the problem going on in the private market that creates a role for government. And so talking through what are some of the market failures in innovation; what are some of the market failures present in our health care system that give a role for government; what's the motivation behind the President's agenda.

But I think one of the things, again, it's so helpful to see the agenda as a coherent whole. And I think it does paint a picture of a very well-reasoned, very important agenda for moving this economy forward.

In terms of themes, I think it will sound very familiar to you. It's one, certainly, that the President has talked about -- rescue. There are two chapters, both on what we've done in the United States, what's been done in other countries. There are three chapters in what I like to refer to as the rebalancing. This is what the President often refers to as getting away from bubble and bust and thinking about how are we going to grow more healthfully going forward. And that is things like we're pretty sure that consumers are probably going to be saving more in the future, and that's probably a good and healthy thing. But it raises a question of, well, where's the demand going to come from?

And so the President has talked about the importance of spurring investment, the importance of spurring exports as a way of making sure that there's demand to keep people employed.

There's of course the budget deficit. That's a big part of the rebalancing, that at the same time we're going to spur investment, we're going to spur net exports, we do need to put in place a plan for getting our long-run budget deficit under control. And here I think the economic report has a very nice chapter about where our long-run deficit problem came from, about what -- the reason that one would be concerned about it, what it does to the economy; the logic for the kind of fiscal anchor that we have talked about, or the fiscal target that's talked about the budget; and our concrete proposals for dealing with it.

I'd also put in the end of bubble-and-bust financial regulatory reform, and there's a very nice chapter talking about where financial crises come from, what financial intermediation is and why it's important, and the logic of the administration's financial regulatory reform proposal.

And then, finally, there are four chapters on what the President often refers to as rebuilding the economy stronger, that wanting to make sure that when we come out of this crisis, we don't just go back to where we were but to something better. And that is exactly health care, education, the transition to clean energy, and spurring innovation and trade. All of those are things that we think can make the economy stronger going forward.

The last thing I'll mention, just in case you're wondering what's unique about this, the 64th Economic Report of the President, come back to the idea --

Q It's yours. (Laughter.)

DR. ROMER: Well, that's true. But I think much more than that is, it is the times -- that I think that it is a time when economic issues are so incredibly pressing. And I think that makes it special.

I also want to -- I think methodology is somewhat different. One of the hallmarks, I think of the Obama administration is the reliance on evidence. I often say that you win a policy argument not by shouting the loudest or talking the most but by having the best arguments. And I think that is a tribute to this President and this policy process. And so in this economic report we try to put forward the good arguments for the policies that have been proposed. There's some original research in here, and there are also, for the first time, references, so you can see the studies that are behind some of the things that we have been thinking about.

And the last thing I'll say is it's prettier than ever before. So, first time it's been printed in color. It's going to be the first time, staying with our accessibility and transparency, it will be available in electronic form for your Kindle and your Sony Reader and whatever. So everybody on the beach will be reading the Economic Report of the President. (Laughter.)

All right.

Q What beach? The white beach.

DR. ROMER: So, you want to take it from here, Robert?

MR. GIBBS: I'll direct some traffic for you.

DR. ROMER: Okay.

Q Dr. Romer, one figure that just leaps off the page from this report is that even after job growth returns, you don't see unemployment coming down to 6 percent until 2015. Isn't that a pretty bleak assessment of what six years of the Obama presidency is going to deliver?

DR. ROMER: So the first thing to say is to remind you this is exactly the same forecast that you saw a couple weeks ago when we did the budget, right, so it is the administration forecast. And as I think we described at the time, we had -- we tried to do an honest, conservative forecast to make sure that we were basing our budget numbers on sort of as close to the consensus and reasonable forecast as we can.

I think it is important to realize that certainly when we did this forecast, we had a placeholder in there for some targeted jobs measures, but certainly when things were still very fluid. And I know for, in particular, the Council of Economic Advisers are very enthusiastic about the small business jobs and wages tax credit, and certainly things that are now moving through both the House and the Senate in that kind of area.

I think that's the kind of a proposal that might have the chance of moving the dial, of being particularly effective. So I think what's really going to matter is you're right that the forecasts are certainly something to be concerned about, and that's why the President has said job creation, more of these movements are going to be important going forward to make sure we can get that down as quickly as possible.

MR. GIBBS: Mark, let me just add to that, too, as we've discussed the chart that I handed out on Friday, the hole that we're climbing out of -- it currently stands at 8.4 million lost jobs deep, right? Again, taking the recession in 1981, 1991, and 2001, they don't cumulatively equal 8.4 million jobs.

So what people -- most people I think recognize as the worst downturn in our economy in most memories -- 1981 -- combining that with the most previous two doesn't equal the downturn in the economy that we saw. The job growth alone isn't all of it. You looked at -- we had the -- I think the statistic I saw, that I probably got from Dr. Romer, was that you had consecutive quarters of more than 5 percent, more than negative-5 percent economic retraction for the first time since the Great Depression. So I think it's important to understand the sheer size and the magnitude of what we're dealing with.

Q What you just said leads naturally into what some of the critics are saying this morning, which is that what you've just described as documenting the challenges is really an exercise in blame-shifting. Is it?

MR. GIBBS: No. The fact that we lost 763,000 in January of 2009 isn't blame-shifting; it's a fact. The fact that we were, as Dr. Romer said, averaging 700,000 jobs lost a month in that quarter is a fact. The fact -- the notion that we are now where we are losing -- in November we had positive job growth, but we're getting much closer to the margin of zero -- that's a fact. This isn't blame-shifting.

Look, there are millions of people in this country that have lost their job. They've lost their job because we had a risky financial system of which the President wants financial regulatory reform to lay down rules of the road so it never happens again. We had a bubble-and-bust economy, again, another chapter that they'll talk about, where we thought somehow job growth could be predicated on the availability to get an American Express card or a housing loan. Okay? That's not going to get fixed overnight, and it's never -- under the President's ideas, not going to happen again. What we have to do is lay a foundation for the fact that, how do we address for the fact -- for largely for the last decade, we didn't create jobs and people saw their wages either flat-line or stagnate.

Those are monumental challenges. Whose fault it is will be decided largely by history. But there are 8.4 million people that don't care about what history decides. They want a job.

DR. ROMER: I just want to add, exactly what the entire report -- it is all facts, right? It is just simply -- it's not trying to shift blame, it's just trying to say here are the challenges that we face. And it's fundamentally -- it's what the economic report is supposed to do. It's saying what's the motivation for the policies going forward.

MR. GIBBS: Caren.

Q One of the numbers that that is new in the report is the forecast for 95,000 payroll creation, and that's a pretty tepid growth. And I'm just wondering, are you saying that if you get the jobs bill that you think the jobs growth can be stronger than that, or does it already assume that?

DR. ROMER: All right. So the first thing to say, that 95,000 is very consistent, say, with other forecasts. I think the blue chip just came out yesterday -- they asked a special question -- they think on average in 2010 it's going to be 116,000 jobs a month. So we're very much in the range of other forecasts.

What I was saying is that is I think a reasonable estimate. It's our best estimate going forward. It did not have in place -- it didn't take into account the specific form of any jobs bill going forward. We know there's still a lot of uncertainty about what will come out of Congress. At the time we did the forecast there was even a lot of uncertainty about what exactly would be proposed.

So that was certainly the case. The reason we're proposing things like small business lending, the jobs and wages tax credit, the energy retrofit program, is because we think those will be particularly effective.

And so I think what the President is going to do is to put in place the best that we can, working with Congress, and then see if we can get better performance. That of course would be what all of us are hoping for.

Q Can you also respond to the Republican argument that what is holding back people from hiring is the uncertainty about legislation on health care, cap and trade, and things like that, that's making businesses more cautious?

DR. ROMER: I think, having talked to a number of business people -- especially I really found our jobs summit incredibly useful -- what I certainly hear from business people is the main uncertainty that they face is the economy -- it's not legislation, it's not any of that -- it is, is the demand going to be there, is the economy going to grow and be strong?

And, you know, I think that is exactly what the President has focused on. And by doing the kinds of policies that he has proposed and wants to continue, I think that's going to be the main thing that helps us to resolve that uncertainty. Just the more we can get good growth like we've seen in GDP, I think that's going to help with a lot of the uncertainty.

MR. GIBBS: Chuck.

Q Does your jobs forecast, the 6 percent, does that assume no jobs bill gets passed this year? Does that assume no more government stimulus, new stimulus, or --

DR. ROMER: So the -- I mean, certainly this is -- the forecast that went into the budget, and certainly it's designed to be a post-policy forecast --

Q You assume that some jobs stimulus --

DR. ROMER: So we pad in the $100 billion targeted kind of thing, but it didn't have the format. And I think one of the things that I've tried to describe is I think we have some ideas for a particularly good format.

Q Can you talk about housing foreclosures a little bit? There was another number that came out today -- and I assume it's addressed a little bit in there -- but are you concerned that this number is going to keep growing since there were so many -- you guys put some temporary halts in it and then now over the next few months it's going to grow? And when does it stop growing, this foreclosure number?

DR. ROMER: So certainly foreclosures are a big issue. Housing in general is a big issue. So it's discussed in both chapter two on the rescue, but also chapter four kind of going forward what do we think is likely to happen sort of as we go back to full employment.

Obviously housing has been sort of a major part of where this crisis started, with the decline in housing prices and the problems certainly there. That's why we've had a very aggressive housing program, and again that's described certainly in detail in chapter two.

I think going forward that is certainly -- it is one of the headwinds that we're facing. I mean, part of the reason why even -- we are seeing growth but part of the reason coming out of this recession most people are forecasting a number like 3 percent GDP growth in 2010 is we do know that we are still facing headwinds. It has been just a terrible recession and part of that is the financial crisis, part of that is getting lending back, and certainly part of that is going to be these persistent problems in housing. And I think that is going to be something that we're working against. We do think we have good policies in place, but it is going to be something that we're going to have to be working to deal with.

MR. GIBBS: Chip.

Q You said overall this is a conservative forecast, and you of course may recall that there was a time when you issued a report I think it was 8 or 8.5 percent unemployment you said would be the max -- and it went up of course to 10 percent. Was there an effort here to avoid being overly optimistic so that you didn't get burned politically down the road? And has anybody in a senior position -- the President or anybody else in the White House -- ever said to you, hey, err on the side of conservative rather than optimistic so we don't get burned politically?

DR. ROMER: No, I mean, every time we try to do the best we can. I think that's -- the truth is we don't have a crystal ball. Every year we try to do an honest, reasonable, conservative forecast to make sure that we are basing our budget assumptions on the best possible forecast that we can. We try to inform our decisions by looking at what other people talk about.

One of the things I do want to mention, though -- I think I mentioned it at the budget press conference and Peter Orszag said that's economist for "I told you so" -- because we did take a lot of heat last year for both our GDP forecast and our unemployment forecast. And I will absolutely say the unemployment forecast, like many people, we did not forecast how high the unemployment rate would go.

We were actually remarkably accurate on the GDP forecast. So actual when we have the numbers in, we now know that over 2009 real GDP grew by 0.1 percent, one-tenth of 1 percent. Our prediction had been for three-tenths of 1 percent. So were in fact quite accurate on the GDP forecast.

One of the things that we talk about in the economic report is just how this recession has been unusually hard on the labor force and the degree to which the usual relationship between GDP growth and the unemployment rate has broken down somewhat, and that the unemployment rate has risen much more than one would have predicted based on the behavior of unemployment.

MR. GIBBS: And also, Chip -- we had an occasion to talk about this on many outings here -- nobody predicted what we saw at the beginning of the first quarter of 2009. Nobody saw 763,000 jobs lost. In fact, we didn't see 763,000 jobs lost because there was a revision that took us from 740,000 to 763,000.

So these numbers are constantly being revised. But I think the bottom line is when Dr. Romer and Dr. Bernstein came out with that, nobody had a full grasp -- us included -- on just how deep this was.

Now, that's not to blame anybody -- that's just to understand that the severity, the slope at which we saw job loss, was unforeseen not just by us but by virtually everybody that enters into the type of forecasting that these guys enter into.

DR. ROMER: Can I just say one thing? You'll actually see a table in the economic report in chapter two that actually shows you what other people were forecasting at the same time we were doing our forecast, to kind of give you just the facts on the degree to which the world was changing very quickly.

MR. GIBBS: Every day.

DR. ROMER: And so I have one minute before I get to go get this baby signed.

MR. GIBBS: Yes, she's got to go.

Q Just quickly on income inequality, the report talks about inequality but doesn't make any specific recommendations on it. How seriously should the administration be treating that right now?

DR. ROMER: I think that is an issue that I know the President feels deeply about. We have a whole chapter on strengthening the American labor force, because that's where we certainly talk about, certainly in terms of this recession, the degree to which different demographic groups -- young people, blacks and African Americans -- all that have seen higher unemployment rates relative to the average.

I think very much the message of that chapter, and I know it's one, again, I've heard the President talk about, is how important education is in trying to even the playing field and trying to prepare all of our children for the good jobs in the future. So I think that is certainly a big part of certainly where I see our economic agenda trying to make roads in that area.

MR. GIBBS: We've got to let Dr. Romer go for --

DR. ROMER: All right. Thank you so much. Enjoy your reading. (Laughter.)

Q Thank you, Dr. Romer.

Q Robert, can I come back to WellPoint, which the President raised the other day? And also because, you know, Secretary Sebelius wrote that pretty toughly worded letter saying, justify all this stuff. They've responded. They've said basically it's because healthier people are opting out, they're getting cheaper coverage elsewhere, so we're losing money. Are you satisfied --

MR. GIBBS: Well, I thought they made -- because I saw -- I think they made a $2.7 billion profit last year. So maybe that's --

Q It sounds like you're not satisfied with their explanation.

MR. GIBBS: Maybe that's economic parlance for just breaking even. But, look, when health care inflation goes up at 4 or 5 percent, when a company makes a $2.7 billion profit and turns around and increases rates in the individual market by nearly 40 percent, I think there's some explaining and some investigation that needs to be done.

I think it also underscores more than ever why the case that the President made about helping people particularly on the individual market, why that's so important; that creating a national exchange, a national pool, that can have a greater amount of purchasing power -- one of the things that the health care reform bill called for -- is obviously needed in this region of the country and, quite frankly, throughout the country.

I will look through and get a more detailed response to the letter. I have not seen the response that they wrote. Just again, understanding that health care inflation is not nearly rising at that level, though their profit looks quite nice. I think more needs to be explained at how that number was derived.

Caren.

Q The White House warned earlier this week about a crackdown in Iran surrounding the anniversary of the revolution and there have been reports of a crackdown. And I'm wondering if you could give your reaction to what's going on there?

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, we continue to monitor events as they happen and try to get the best available information, understanding that a lot of media, Google, and other Internet services have been basically unplugged.

I think the President was very clear in his speech in Oslo that we stand by the universal rights of Iranians to express themselves freely and to do so without intimidation or violence. Iranians have gone out into the streets to do just that in a peaceful way. And we will continue to monitor it and continue to express our condemnation and dismay for any violence that should result as -- should happen as a result of the exercising of those universal rights.

Q And you mentioned the Google suspension. Have you heard directly from Google about this?

MR. GIBBS: I should check with NSC on that. I saw some emails around this yesterday. I don't know if that was based off of news reports or based off of something that NSC had gotten.**

Q Robert, a follow on Iran? The head of Iran's atomic energy agency, Ali Salehi, has just in the last few minutes cautioned the President against taking what he calls "wrong steps." He said, "The consequences are beyond the imagination of anybody. Don't test Iran." Any reaction to that?

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I think Iran has made a series of statements that are far more political than they are -- they're based on politics, not on physics. Okay? The Iranian nuclear program has undertaken -- has undergone a series of problems throughout the year. Quite frankly, what Ahmadinejad says -- he says many things and many of them turn out to be untrue. We do not believe they have the capability to enrich to the degree to which they now say they are enriching.

I would also say this. If they are serious about the peaceful use of their nuclear program, then what they should have done was taken more seriously the offer on the Tehran research reactor, understanding that the increase in -- the increase from 3.5 to nearly 20 percent was what the United States and the IAEA and its partners offered as part of the Tehran research reactor so that medical patients could have access to these medical isotopes. Iran cannot replace and continue to operate the TRR at its current pace.

So then not taking the IAEA up and its partners up on a very commonsense offer leads, quite frankly, the world to believe that Iran has other ideas. That's why -- and I would say this -- the reactions -- the actions of Iran have led the world to be more unified than at virtually any other point in the past many years. They have brought forward, through their actions, through their statements, our partners in the P5-plus-1 now moving in accord forward to taking those next steps.

Q Is there another deadline, new deadline for them?

MR. GIBBS: Well, you saw yesterday the Treasury institute some sanctions on the IRGC, and obviously the next phase in this -- as the President talked a few days ago, this is multifaceted and there will be more phases to this, including the United Nations.

Q Following up on that, the deadline was the end of 2009. Why should the leaders of Iran think that there are any consequences for disobeying what the United States and the IAEA and the P5 want, given that, with the exception of the move by Treasury yesterday, there have yet to be consequences?

MR. GIBBS: No, no -- and look, Jake, as you said, the President is working through and with our partners on making that happen. This was not going to happen in Time Square when the ball hit zero. This was always going to take some important time. But understand this, Jake, our allies in this are more united than they've ever been to take actions and consequences based on the statements and the actions of the Iranians.

Q Do you have China on board yet for U.N. sanctions, through Security Council?

MR. GIBBS: We believe that the Chinese have and will continue to play a constructive role. They worked with us, again, very constructively on the U.N. resolutions dealing with North Korea, and we believe, and I think they believe it's not in their interest to have a worldwide arms race; it's certainly not in their interest economically to have an arms race in the Middle East.

Q So that's a no?

Q Yes, I mean, that's not really an answer to whether or not they're on board.

MR. GIBBS: We are working through with them, with our other partners in the P5-plus-1. This will go through a process at the United Nations --

Q When does that process start?

MR. GIBBS: It already has.

Q Well, when is the public process start of bringing sanctions forward --

MR. GIBBS: Well, again, the process of writing this and devising these, as you know, has already started, Jake.

Q Is the question not whether or not China will support sanctions but what kind? Or are you still working on whether they will support --

MR. GIBBS: I'm not going to get into the back-and-forth of diplomatic negotiations, understanding, again, that it's in everybody's interest not to have an international arms race.

Q Robert, this is a difficult time, a tense time already with China, and you have the problem that you're talking about right now, you need China's help on Iran and many other issues. Why proceed with the Dalai Lama meeting, which you know will infuriate them?

MR. GIBBS: Well, Jill, we've said this all along. First of all, we talked to the Chinese about their currency in Beijing; we talked to the Chinese about the Dalai Lama in Beijing; we talked about Internet access and Internet freedom with the Chinese both in Shanghai during the town hall meeting and in Beijing. We think we have a mature enough relationship with the Chinese that we can agree on issues that are of mutual interest, but we also have a mature enough relationship that we know that two countries on this planet are not always going to agree on everything and we'll have those disagreements.

Q There are a couple things in the news that I was wondering if you could comment on. One, could you talk about why General Jones is in Pakistan?

MR. GIBBS: No.

Q And the other one is there's been some reporting about a Haiti recovery commission with Bill Clinton supposedly being asked to head up that effort. Is there --

MR. GIBBS: I will check on that. I don't have an answer to that.

Chip.

Q Can I follow up with the question I asked Dr. Romer -- not looking back so much at the incorrect -- understandably incorrect -- or understandably perhaps incorrect projections on unemployment, but whether or not anybody in the White House has advised her to be --

MR. GIBBS: No. Of course not.

Q -- more conservative rather than --

MR. GIBBS: Of course not.

Q That's never come up?

MR. GIBBS: Of course not.

Q Okay. To what degree does the administration -- not just based on the report -- attribute the job growth, the 95,000, to Recovery Act and any other legislation that the President is pushing?

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I think that -- and I can see if Dr. Romer -- I doubt she's broken it out to that degree. Obviously she has, CBO has, underscored the job growth that we've seen under the Recovery Act. I think the Recovery Act also spurred economic growth, which we've seen now two consecutive quarters of positive economic growth. We did know this: We were never going to have jobs growth without first having economic growth.

So I think the Recovery Act has created additional jobs and created an environment for economic growth that we believe will ultimately lead businesses to add to their payrolls.

Q Would the White House respond favorably to a request for federal disaster aid for states in the Mid-Atlantic -- Maryland, D.C., Pennsylvania, Delaware?

MR. GIBBS: I don't want to prejudge what they might ask for. There's a process whereby those disaster declarations come from the states, or in the District's case, the mayor, to FEMA, and all of those are evaluated. Obviously we have seen an extraordinary amount of winter weather here in the Mid-Atlantic -- having shoveled my driveway now what seems like 10,000 times, I can testify to that.

I don't want to prejudge what might be in -- what each locality might ask in particular for. The process, though, is that those declarations come from the state and locality, in the case of the District of Columbia, to FEMA and then they are evaluated there.

Q Is the President satisfied with the way Washington and the metro areas have handled the snow removal? And the only reason I bring it up is not for pedestrian concerns, but because the federal government has been closed for four straight days.

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I'm reminded, again, as I shovel my driveway, that there are no statistics on record -- or they did not keep -- if there were snowfall that exceeded what we've had this winter it happened before they kept statistics on snowfall during the winter. So I think everybody understands that what we have seen here is extraordinary.

Look, obviously it has been an overwhelming weather event. I know that OPM and others are working to try to get as much cleared so that the federal government can open again.

Q To follow up on that?

MR. GIBBS: Yes.

Q Is the government considering asking federal workers to make up their snow days?

MR. GIBBS: Let me check with OPM. I need to check with OPM on that.

Q Okay.

Q Why wasn’t the President out there shoveling the walk?

MR. GIBBS: Because he's the luckiest man on the planet. I told him that on -- (laughter) -- I told him that this weekend, that, you should never leave, it's a great deal; you've got a huge driveway and it's -- my back is killing me.

Jonathan.

Q As Christine Romer said, the longest chapter in the Economic Report is the chapter -- chapter two on the response to the crisis. And the President's message at the beginning of the report is unusually long. And I'm wondering if you think that this is a more political document than past economic reports, and if you're using this as a justification for policies rather than just an exposition of the state of the economy.

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I think as you saw Dr. Romer, this is the first time this has been annotated with references as to where facts were derived from. This is a factual report to the President on the state of the economy and where it's headed.

Jonathan, we didn’t need a report from Dr. Romer to justify taking extraordinary action to save our economy: 763,000 people in January of 2009 lost their job. I don't think you need more evidence that something had to be done. And I think we know this: that had nothing been done, that hole that I talked to Mark about would be far deeper.

I think what one of the things this report I think helps many of you all understand is, again, the genuine severity of what we were dealing with, and what we still are dealing with. And the recession started, mathematically, in December of 2007. We are still at a period where we still have not seen consistent positive job growth. This was economic devastation, again, unseen since the late 1920s.

Q Senator Bond accused the White House of using John
Brennan for political purposes, saying that he was being -- doing the role, your role. This economic report --

MR. GIBBS: Let me just address that. Let's understand this: John Brennan has been working in counterterrorism for more than 25 years -- right? First as a CIA agent hired by President George W. Bush to work at the CIA, and then to stand up the National Counterterrorism Center. Okay? We asked him to stay on. I don't have the slightest idea what political party John Brennan is a member of. I've never had a political conversation with John. I know this: John is there each and every day working in his office to try to do everything he can to keep the American people safe.

And I would suggest, whether it's to Senator Bond or others on Capitol Hill, that these are decisions best left to people that have an understanding of counterterrorism, experience in counterterrorism and law enforcement, rather than to politicians on Capitol Hill.

Q But his specific accusation was that he was being used in a way that a press secretary is supposed to -- I mean, that he was enunciating Obama's policy.

MR. GIBBS: I think Kit Bond didn’t -- I don't think Kit Bond liked to hear what he already knew, which was he'd been told that Abdulmutallab was in FBI custody after what happened on Christmas Day.

Now, I'll let you, Jonathan, ask Kit Bond whether he understands the protocols of how the FBI deals with suspects enough to understand that at that point it would have been obvious he would have been read his Miranda rights. I don't know whether Kit Bond was confused or whether he just doesn’t want to admit the facts.

Q When will the President sign the debt limit bill?

MR. GIBBS: I think there's some discussion of him doing that at either the end of this week or over the weekend. I would say this: I think that that bill also contains something --

Q PAYGO.

MR. GIBBS: -- exactly -- that he has spoken for many times, a very simple concept of paying for what you want to do.

Q So he will do it publicly?

MR. GIBBS: I don't know what the coverage plans are.

Q Just to follow up on Caren's question regarding Google, is there any concern now that Iran's actions following Google's dispute with China could indicate that regimes are now going to be targeting U.S. companies and Internet freedoms in general as a means of tighter control?

MR. GIBBS: Well, I think that's been happening for quite some time. I don't think this is -- I don't think access to the Internet and to open communications is something that has just happened recently. I think this has happened for a while. You heard the President in Shanghai speak out about it as it related to China.

I do not have specifics around the degree to which Google brought any of its concerns to us about what was happening in Iran.

Q So not whether -- not whether it's escalating with Iran now?

MR. GIBBS: I will check with NSC and see if they have anything more particular on it.

Q And is the President -- he's meeting with Secretary of State Clinton later today? I guess she's going to the Middle East this week. Is he going to be setting any goals for her for that trip?

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, this is part of their weekly meeting. I assume there will be a number of topics that will be discussed. She and others are traveling in the next few days and few weeks to the Middle East, and we want to continue to make progress and get these two parties back at the table.

Q And one more question. There's a report out of Damascus that Syria has accepted the President's candidate for ambassador there, Robert Stephen Ford. Can you confirm that he has nominated Ford or --

MR. GIBBS: I can check. I don't have anything on that.*

Q Can you get back to all of us on that?

Q The President told Bloomberg BusinessWeek, in the context of the conversation about dealing with the deficit and this commission he's going to set up, "The whole point is to make sure that all ideas are on the table, so what I want to do is be completely agnostic in terms of solutions." That was in -- the write-up of the interview suggests the context of whether or not he would be willing to raise taxes on those Americans -- individuals earning less than $200,000 --

MR. GIBBS: Let me read what he said at the -- when he was asked the question the first time. "I don't want to prejudge the commission because the whole point of it is to make sure that all ideas are on the table, and let's see what folks can come up."

So what the President was saying, which I think -- the President will set up a commission. The President is not a member of that commission. The President is not going to prejudge the outcome of a commission that he's setting up on an issue as important as getting our deficit and debt under control. That's up to the commission.

And I would say this, Major. I hope that -- we hope that Republicans, many of whom supported this commission before they had to vote on this commission, and then they magically didn't support this commission, we hope that when the President signs this executive order and announces his picks for this commission, that they will demonstrate their seriousness in dealing with an issue of this magnitude by taking part in that commission.

Q What’s the timeline on that, is it still going to be this week?

MR. GIBBS: The snow got us a little off track, so it'll be in the next 10 days or so.

Q How is not prejudging compare with what he said during the campaign?

MR. GIBBS: He's not a member of this commission. I think the President has demonstrated through cutting taxes for middle class families and for holding the line on -- the President doesn't believe our economic growth should be predicated on raising taxes on middle class families. But that being said, the President is just not going to get in the game of prejudging the outcome of a commission that, one, hasn't been set up and hasn't met. I think --

Q He remains opposed to any tax increase for those he outlined during the campaign?

MR. GIBBS: He does, and he's not going to prejudge what the outcome of the commission will be.

Q Doesn’t that make him an atheist instead of an agnostic on that matter? (Laughter.)

MR. GIBBS: I was going to check on that, but I'm not. (Laughter.)

Q You had a lengthy conversation with Savannah and Todd this morning on Abdulmutallab, and I want to ask you one question about that. If Abdulmutallab or a case very similar to that -- I know each case was different; presents different facts and different scenarios -- would you handle it the way it was -- this case was handled?

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I'll say this. We're quite comfortable with the way this one was handled. I'm not going to get into hypotheticals, Major, because this case is different than what happened, obviously, on September 11th. This case is different from the details of what happened with Richard Reid. It's hard to compare apples to oranges, in this case.

Q One thing you implied is that there's also after action, there's always a look back -- and in the process of looking back --

MR. GIBBS: Absolutely there --

Q -- have you found room for improvement or methodologies that might be executed differently?

MR. GIBBS: I know that John Brennan has been tasked in a process to implement changes based on the report that the President originally got on intelligence failures. And the President asked for us to examine all of what was done that day and in the days after to ensure that we were doing this the best way possible. That's the President's role. That's what he asked everyone to do.

Q In a rare alignment, MoveOn.org, Paul Krugman and Bill Kristol all agreed the President was wrong when he said he does not begrudge Wall Street bonuses.

MR. GIBBS: The President didn't say that, Major.

Q I'm saying what they're saying he said. He said "success" -- "I don't begrudge success, I don't begrudge --

MR. GIBBS: Let's not play hypothetical.

Q All right. He said, "I don't begrudge their success, I don't begrudge their wealth."

MR. GIBBS: No, no, no, no, no. “I, like most of the American people, don't begrudge people's success or wealth.”

Q Well, read the question, too, because the question was about -- the question was about the bonuses.

MR. GIBBS: No, no, I read the questions. You and I talked about this like four times the other --

Q I know, but the question was about --

MR. GIBBS: I understand. I understand the question was about bonuses. The question -- and the President on five different occasions -- just as I emailed you yesterday, causing you to reexamine what you'd written based off of the interview -- that the President was talking in that sentence, as he's done many times, about -- he does not believe the federal government should be setting salaries for business in America. He still believes that.

Q Does he still remain comfortable with the analogy he made with Major League Baseball players many have pointed out -- yes, Major League Baseball players make a lot of money -- no, many of them will make the World Series, but none of them had anything to do with the financial crisis or bad --

MR. GIBBS: Well, I don't think the President would argue that not many baseball players had anything to do with the financial crisis. I don't think that's -- the point he was trying to make was that there are obscene and shocking salaries, and obscene and shocking compensation that don't match what happens with your performance.

Q Does Blankfein and Dimon count?

MR. GIBBS: Hold on, hold on, let me -- can I just -- let me finish my answer -- that the President has said that there ought to be -- these ought to be based on performance, not on risk-taking, okay?

Q And some of these new ones are.

MR. GIBBS: No, that -- right, in the sense that yes, they're in stock rather than in --

Q Long-term health.

MR. GIBBS: There should be a say on pay. Shareholders ought to be able to weigh in on this. And he said that salaries like you were talking about with baseball and these bonuses are extraordinary and shocking.

Q Blankfein and Dimon -- are those obscene bonuses, Blankfein’s and Dimon’s?

MR. GIBBS: The President has spoken repeatedly on these bonuses, and finds them, as he did in here, extraordinary and shocking.

Q Has he been asked specifically about Blankfein and Dimon?

MR. GIBBS: And he said extraordinary and shocking, specifically.

Q Are they obscene, are they an offense, are they a violation of our moral principles?

MR. GIBBS: The President doesn't have any different view on bonuses yesterday than he had 10 days ago or 10 months ago.

Q Are these more palatable because these are different in type from the ones that were not linked to long-term health stock?

MR. GIBBS: Ensuring the bonuses are paid in that way is a movement in the right direction, right? Does that justify the level of these bonuses when, through only -- only through the taxpayers' assistance, would these banks still even exist? Of course not.

Q Thanks, Robert. Senator Corker has said that he wants to help out with the financial regulatory reform bill. Senator Grassley is participating in the jobs bill. How do you account for this apparent bipartisan good will?

MR. GIBBS: Well, the snow may indicate that it's all frozen over. No, look, I think -- look, I think -- let's take these individually. Look, the finance committee has worked -- is working in a bipartisan way on a series of measures to create an environment where hiring can take place, as well as to extend things like unemployment compensation and health care for people that have lost their job. Senator Corker has been very active in this process, in the process of financial reform.

I think there are certainly many in this town that want to deal with the problems that people face, whether it's creating jobs or whether it's ensuring that we have rules for the road that protect against the type of excessive risk-taking that led to the near collapse of our financial system, and with it our economy.

I hope that many have learned the lesson that you hear and see people talking about all the time, and that is that they want this town to put aside its petty arguments and move forward on what's important in their lives.

The President used an example the other day with Senator McConnell about appointments -- that at this point in President Bush's tenure, there were six nominees that had been sitting there for a month or more, right? This President, before today's action in the Senate, had 63; as he said to Senator McConnell, both a quantitative and a qualitative difference.

I think that all of these are examples of things that are examples of things that are important to people's lives -- that they believe Washington should put aside, as I said, the petty games that normally take up the time in this town to get something down.

Q You said that people talk about these things all the time, but the President has been talking about them more and more this year. Are they responding to that kind of political pressure from the President? Do they seem to be responding?

MR. GIBBS: I think they're responding to both the political pressure of the President. I think they're also responding to the political pressure from the American people. They have -- the President went to Capitol Hill -- tried to go to Capitol Hill to talk to House Republicans about the recovery plan. As we've talked about in here, they put out a statement opposing that plan before the President even got to Capitol Hill. The President spent a lot of time trying to work with Republicans on health care, only to have very few respond.

The President will continue to try to do this in an effort to demonstrate to the American people that this town is capable of solving the problems that we face.

Helene.

Q Robert, Haiti? One question on Haiti?

MR. GIBBS: Let me go to Helene first.

Q Thanks. I wanted to ask you, just to go back to Iran first for a minute --

MR. GIBBS: Go back to?

Q Iran.

MR. GIBBS: Oh, okay.

Q Given the sort of rhetoric that's been coming out of the Iranian leadership in the past week in particular, has the President had any sort of rethink about the whole concept of engagement with Iran? I know you said that, you know, you think this outreach --

MR. GIBBS: No, because, Helene, we wouldn't be here -- we would not be here unified in the P5-plus-1 were it not for engagement.

Q I understand that, and I see that argument, but what about --

MR. GIBBS: So putting aside that we're at a point in which those countries have never been more united and more forward in dealing with the threat from Iran.

Q Well, we don’t know yet from China and what they're going to do.

MR. GIBBS: Right, but you wanted me to leave aside the united --

Q I want to put aside the united front in the P5-plus-one and ask you to look specifically about the relationship with the Iranian regime as a whole, between the United States and Iran. Do you see any difference there that perhaps has come from an engagement and do you see, is there any rethink about whether or not there was any -- has gone anywhere at all?

MR. GIBBS: No, no, again, I think it demonstrated to the world that these were decisions that weren’t going to be made by the United States or by Russia or by China, these were decisions that were going to be made by the Iranians. Now, sometimes it's been confusing; sometimes they've accepted ideas and agreements only to come back a week or so later and not accept them. And whether or not there is one or two voices in Iran speaking for the Iranian regime, or whether there are many conflicting voices, I'll let others decide.

But because we engaged, it demonstrated to the world that the choices that Iran made were choices that it alone had to vouch for. The Tehran Research Reactor is, again, a good example. They're going to run out of the type of medical isotopes that they need to treat those in their country that could be helped by this. Right? If your program is one for peaceful needs, why not accept the help of the IAEA in ensuring the health and safety of your people? I think, again, their walking away from that agreement demonstrates for the whole world to see what their intentions really are.

Q Just quick -- U.S. wants Iran to stop their nuclear weapons program, but Iranian President is firm on their nuclear program. And they said that sanctions have not worked in the past, so how now sanctions will work? And what do the future --

MR. GIBBS: Well, this is a much longer discussion, Goyal. I think that this is a process that has begun at the United Nations and I don't want to get too far on that.

You want a Haiti question?

Q Just one thing. From what you've observed so far, do you believe that the Haitian government has properly carried out the judicial process concerning those Americans who are being held? And also, under the circumstances --

MR. GIBBS: I want to point you to State, because I have not had a lot of time to look at the Haitian judicial process over the course of many days. But I know they've had contact with the Haitian judicial system and with those missionaries, so I would point you over to State on that.

Q Robert, the Vice President last night said that Iraq could end up being one of the President's great achievements. Given that the Vice President was in favor of a partial partition of the country and the President opposed the surge that helped stabilize it, how is that one of the President's great achievements?

MR. GIBBS: Well, putting what was broken back together and getting our troops home, which we intend to do in August of this year.

Q But the Status of Forces Agreement to bring troops home was signed before the President took office.

MR. GIBBS: Something that -- something that I think the political pressure that the President, as a then-candidate, helped to bring about.

Look, I think that we will long debate Iraq. We will long debate whether at a very important moment in our efforts to root out terrorism particularly in Afghanistan and on that border region with Pakistan, whether we took our eye off the ball. I think historians will debate that long after we're gone. I think they will come likely to the conclusion that no single event took our eye off of what needed to be done in order to -- in order to occupy a country that, until we got there, didn’t have a single member of al Qaeda.

So, look, obviously -- look, the Vice President has been deeply involved in fixing the political process there so that elections can be held and so that our troops can come home as scheduled this summer.

Q Robert, if you are the average Iranian and you're hearing about the possibility of more sanctions, what can you do to reassure him or her that the sanctions will be targeted against organizations associated with the government and not them specifically? And are you worried that these sanctions, if you do pursue them and they're carried out, will only serve to solidify the hold of the Iranian government over the people?

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I think the government's hold over those people I think -- in the streets over the past many months is in many ways called into question. I don't want to get into the specifics of what is being worked through, except to say that obviously we do not want to see a backsliding in progress and to do things that risk putting the political changes that are clearly happening in that country -- to see them fall back.

All of that is being taken into account even as the world demands not just that the Republic acknowledge the universal rights of its citizens but also that it live up to their agreements around their nuclear program.

Bill.

Q Robert, Congresswoman Michele Bachmann has called the February 25th Blair House meeting nothing but a PR stunt. My question is do you know for sure, have you been told that the Republican leadership is going to attend? Have they accepted the invitation?

MR. GIBBS: I can check with Legislative Affairs. I don't know if they have said they would come or not. Bill, it would be an awfully curious thing that the argument that they made up until the point in which the President proposed this was that the President hadn’t sat down -- despite the record -- sat down with Republicans enough and talked to them about health care -- I can't imagine a conceivable scenario in which, after having that invitation, you would say, well, I know for nine months I said I wanted that, but I can't possibly fit it into my schedule now. It just seems silly.

Q Are you proceeding then on the assumption there will be a meeting and there will be Republicans at the table?

MR. GIBBS: Absolutely. Absolutely. Again, I think it would be -- well, it would demonstrate a lot about the willingness of those to actually solve a problem for the American people.

I know sometimes polls don't get a -- when there are good numbers in polls they don't get a lot of attention in this town. But The Washington Post poll from a couple of days ago had a number very similar to that of the poll that they did of voters after the Massachusetts election, and that is that a overwhelming majority wanted to see the effort to reform health care continue. I think that's important. That's why the President wants to meet with individuals in both parties to talk through these solutions.

Sam.

Q Just two questions. Basically hours after the President said he was considering using recess appointments Senate Republicans filibustered Craig Becker to the National Labor Relations Board. The first question is, has the President given thought to appointing Mr. Becker through a recess appointment? And secondly, has anyone at the White House been in touch with either Senator Harkin or Senator Udall on their proposals to essentially reform the use of the filibuster in the Senate?

MR. GIBBS: I don't know about the second question, Sam. I can simply recount the story again that the President at the meeting a couple of days ago -- I think it was probably the last 20 or so minutes where the President, during the bipartisan meeting, asked very specifically about the reason and the nature for the hold-up of many qualified appointees that weren't being held up because of some philosophical or political disagreement. There were, again, 63 that had been sitting for more than a month, when in a comparable period of time in the Bush administration that number was six.

Senator Shelby last week decided to put a hold on everybody because he didn't get a couple of earmarks. And it's obvious now that that wasn't such a good idea, and he pulled back many of those holds.

The President told Senator McConnell quite clearly the situation that we have is, again, as I said, quantitatively and qualitatively different that it was at the beginning of the Bush administration; that it had to change and that if it didn't change the President would use his power for recess appointments. So that's where we are now.

Q Any specific discussions about Craig Becker?

MR. GIBBS: There wasn't a specific discussion about any individuals. Obviously the President discussed those that had been laying over for more than a month.

Thanks, guys.

END
2:10 P.M. EST

Press Briefing | The White House

Press Briefing | The White House



The White House

Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release
February 12, 2010
Briefing by White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs, 2/12/10
James S. Brady Press Briefing Room

* The President will depart the White House to Camp David mid-afternoon on Sunday.

** On Thursday in Denver, Colorado, the President will deliver remarks at a fundraiser to benefit Senator Bennet. He will then travel to Las Vegas, Nevada, where he will attend a DNC fundraiser on Thursday night.

12:58 P.M. EST

MR. GIBBS: Let’s do a couple -- one announcement and the week ahead before we get started.

President Obama called former President Nelson Mandela this morning to congratulate him on the 20th anniversary of his release from prison. President Obama expressed the American people’s great admiration for President Mandela, who was very appreciative of the call.

Next, let’s do a quick week ahead. On Sunday -- I don’t have anything for tomorrow. On Sunday the President will travel to Camp David. He will return to the White House on Monday.

Q Do you have times for that, roughly?

MR. GIBBS: I don’t, but we will -- let me get that* -- are you pool duty? (Laughter.)

Q Just curious.

Q Are they doing anything for Valentine’s Day?

MR. GIBBS: I will inquire. I will assume that will be up there at Camp David.

On Tuesday the President will visit and tour a jobs training center in the capital region. On Wednesday the President will meet with King Juan Carlos of Spain at the White House. On Thursday the President, as we talked about yesterday, will meet with the Dalai Lama here. He will then travel to Denver, Colorado, where he will deliver remarks at an event for Senator Bennet, and then travel to Las Vegas, Nevada. On Friday the President will hold events with Senator Reid in Las Vegas, to include discussion with citizens and business leaders about working together to address the economic challenges facing Nevada and the rest of America. The President will return that afternoon to Washington, D.C. And I will find out your pool time for Sunday.

Q Robert, are those Reid events fundraisers?

MR. GIBBS: I don’t know that --

Q Campaign events?

MR. GIBBS: I do not believe any of those are fundraisers, but let me double check on that.**

Q And no events on Monday?

MR. GIBBS: No. No, he’s got nothing on Monday.

Q Signing the debt limit?

MR. GIBBS: It could be this weekend, but I don’t have a day yet.

Q It will not be today?

MR. GIBBS: No. Ben.

Q Thanks, Robert. I wanted to ask a little bit about the way things are unfolding on the jobs bill in the Senate. Does the President support what’s happened here with Senator Reid trapping this bipartisan bill and offering up a pared-back Democratic one? What’s his stance on that?

MR. GIBBS: Well, let’s understand, Ben, a couple of different things. One, I don’t think there will be only one piece of legislation that will encompass all of the ideas that members in the Senate or even the President have for strengthening our economy and creating a better environment for hiring. I think that will probably take many forms. We’ve never thought that it was going to go through in one package.

Senator Reid’s legislation, I wouldn’t characterize it as a Democratic-only plan, since the hiring tax credit is, as you know, the Schumer-Hatch -- legislation designed by Senator Schumer and Senator Hatch -- it has small business expensing, a reauthorization of the highway bill, and an extension of Build America bonds.

Again, I think this is just one of many vehicles that will likely go through the Senate during this process. I think there are a number of ideas that will garner bipartisan support that aren’t in the initial piece of legislation that Senator Reid will move: unemployment insurance extensions, COBRA health care extensions for the unemployed, an extension of the SBA lending program. I think there are a host of things that can and will garner bipartisan support, both in the vehicle that Senator Reid is moving when the Senate gets back and will move throughout this process.

Q Does the White House support the vehicle as it stands right now?

MR. GIBBS: Look, I think the jobs tax credit is very akin to what the President had in mind, and I think infrastructure investment is something he’s talked about, the expensing provisions, all of which the President would be eager to sign.

Q And what about this, the way this happened yesterday -- there was a statement released by you about the President’s support of a bipartisan Senate bill, and then by day’s end, it wasn’t a bipartisan bill. Were you surprised?

MR. GIBBS: Well, Ben -- let’s be clear, I think that the legislation that Senator Reid will move when the Senate comes back into town will garner bipartisan support. I think there are things that Democrats and Republicans alike agree on need to be in the mix, some of which we just went over, that will also garner bipartisan support. I don’t think there’s -- again, I don’t think there will just be one vehicle that moves, and I don’t think there was only one chance at getting bipartisanship. I think there are a series of ideas that all of us agree need to be put forward to stabilize our economy.

Q Just to finish that thought, though, understanding this might garner bipartisan support, the way this happened yesterday, did the White House see it coming? Did you know that --

MR. GIBBS: I don’t know the degree to which Senator Reid, who I see in media reports made his decision before he went to caucus, I don’t know the degree to which he talked to us about that.

Q Speaking of bipartisanship, are you encouraged by what appears to be growing signs of bipartisanship on financial regulation in Congress? Are you encouraged, one, that that might mean a bill could be finished by this summer? And two, do you have any sense -- or is the White House willing to compromise at all on what appears to be the biggest sticking point of the Consumer Financial Protection Agency?

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, I think there are, Jeff, strong signals on a number of fronts that working together has its advantages, whether it’s on financial regulatory reform, which obviously the President believes is a big priority this year.

Look, one of the big points that was discussed in the bipartisan meeting on Tuesday was with Senator McConnell about moving nominees that -- I recounted this story a couple of times yesterday -- with 63 being held for more than a month, 10 times the number that had been held for more than a month at this point in President Bush’s administration. And the Senate passed nearly 30 by unanimous consent last night.

So I think whether it’s financial regulatory reform, whether it’s provisions to help small businesses, whether it’s moving qualified nominees forward, I think we can see certainly this week the benefits of working together.

In terms of the consumer office, I think it -- the President still believes it is a great priority to have the independent authority to ensure that consumers in this reform are protected -- protected from the type of loans that we’ve seen happen that have led to massive foreclosure; the type of tricks with credit cards that we had seen in the past that legislation that Congress approved and the President signed is intended to deal with.

So the President continues to be a very strong supporter of that function of the reform bill that we sent to Congress.

Q And does that agency have to be a separate entity? Is that something he would be willing to compromise on to get this through?

MR. GIBBS: Look, I don’t know what the nature of the different proposals are. Obviously this is something that would need to have independent authority and I think that is what is important for -- and that’s what consumers want -- important for their protection.

Q But does that indicate, Robert, that maybe there’s some wiggle room as long as independent authority is preserved if it’s not --

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, again, we will -- I think what the President would greatly resist is the notion that somehow this is -- the protection of consumers is unattainable in financial reform.

Q That’s not the question, though.

MR. GIBBS: No, no, I understand, but what I’m saying is without knowing what exact vehicle might come in a bipartisan proposal from the Senate, obviously we would look at this assuming that strong consumer protections and authority was in that legislation. But I don’t want to get ahead of -- I don’t want to get ahead of what that proposal might look like -- what might look like.

Jake.

Q Last month I asked you if the President had an opinion on some of the discussions in changing the Senate rules so that the Republicans or the minority, whomever in the future, wouldn’t be able to demand the cloture be invoked, 60 votes, as often; you said you’d check with Leg Affairs. My understanding is that one of the President’s close allies in the Senate, Dick Durbin, is throwing his support behind the bill that Tom Harkin brought up that would introduce a sliding scale so the 60-vote thing wouldn’t be required as often. Have you guys discussed it with Senator Durbin? Do you have a position on this?

MR. GIBBS: Let me check again on whether Senator Durbin -- whether we’ve had conversation with Senator Durbin.

Look, I know there’s been great frustration on either side of -- either on this side or on Capitol Hill about the sheer amount of times in which cloture has needed to be invoked.

We’ve certainly discussed the frustrations of -- particularly as it relates to non-controversial legislation or non-controversial nominees. We went through the -- and you heard the President discuss a GSA director that had been stalled for nine months, had to seek cloture, cloture wasn’t a close vote, and then she was approved 96-0. I think at that point you realize that this is the -- this is a rule that is being abused.

I will check with -- whether any conversations have been had with Senator Durbin about Senator Harkin’s legislation.

Q Okay. And then just to follow up on Ben’s question about the bipartisan jobs bill that Schumer, Hatch, Grassley and Baucus have been working on. The reason that was given, it’s my understanding, by Majority Leader Reid, for scrapping that effort, much to the dismay of the senators who have been working on it, is that there were protests from some of the more liberal or progressive members of the Democratic caucus in the Senate. Isn’t this kind of bipartisan move that those four senators, bipartisan senators, had been working on exactly what the President has been talking about, and isn’t Harry Reid’s move to scrap it, regardless of what comes out of the Senate eventually, isn’t that contrary to what the President has been talking about?

MR. GIBBS: No, no, again, I think what -- again --

Q You guys put your support behind the bipartisan effort.

MR. GIBBS: And we certainly support working in a bipartisan way to get these things done. Whether the vehicle goes -- Jake, whether the vehicle is the four items that Senator Reid has now, whether that includes unemployment and COBRA extensions now, whether that includes extension for SBA lending, whether it includes tax extenders, whether it includes disaster relief, those are discussions that they’ll have.

Again, I believe that -- I believe that many of these -- many of these will be implemented and voted on and approved with strong bipartisan majorities.

Q Right, but you guys obviously had lent your support to the bipartisan effort. These four senators have been working hard on this bipartisan effort. And then Senator Reid, because of apparent concerns from liberal Democrats, scrapped it. That had to have been disappointing to the President and antithetical to his calls for bipartisanship.

MR. GIBBS: Well, what I’m saying is, I don’t -- I do not think that -- I do not think that taking -- first of all, the main part of the piece of legislation that Senator Reid will have the Senate vote on is the Schumer-Hatch jobs tax credit.

So I think there -- what legislative vehicle many of these bipartisan ideas -- whatever -- it moves on, I think, is in some ways not quite as important as demonstrating that we can work together. Putting as the centerpiece of a bill that’s going to move when the Senate comes back from recess a bipartisan jobs tax credit I think sends the appropriate message to small businesses around the country that Washington can work together to create an environment that incentivizes the additional hiring of workers at small businesses. I think that’s what the President has talked about.

Q But to paraphrase the President, bipartisanship can’t just be adopting one person’s set of ideas. And I understand Hatch and Schumer were working on the tax credit together, but that was something that was the President’s proposal. It was a Democratic idea ultimately. I mean, if the President --

MR. GIBBS: Well, I don’t know that -- well --

Q The hiring tax credit. I mean --

MR. GIBBS: I think the hiring tax credit was -- is a proposal that the President offered -- I’m not sure you would consider Senator Hatch to be somehow overly sympathetic to the White House’s view on these issues. I think it demonstrates --

Q But it’s part of a larger package. That’s my point.

MR. GIBBS: Right, but a messier -- my messier way of saying I think if you look at both what’s in this legislation and I think if you look at what isn’t in this legislation but will ultimately move, I can’t imagine a scenario in which extending unemployment benefits for those that have been out of work and having those benefits expire isn’t going to garner bipartisan support. Extending health care --

Q It just looks like a jobs version of -- when the President was asked about, the other day when he was here, and he was asked about Mitch McConnell talking about how they could support -- Republicans could support nuclear energy or clean coal technology, and the President’s response was --

MR. GIBBS: What you assume --

Q -- the President’s response was, well, of course, they like -- I’m paraphrasing -- but of course they like that, those were Republican ideas that we’re offering, in the name of bipartisanship. So what’s going on here is the reverse -- Harry Reid taking out the one Democratic idea.

MR. GIBBS: No, no, no. Do you think helping small businesses grow by allowing them to write off part of their expenditures is just something that’s a Democratic idea? Do you think extending the highway trust fund extension is somehow a uniquely Democratic idea? I think if you were to break the four components of that bill out individually, each of those would garner strong bipartisan support.

So I -- look, I think we are in some ways over-reading some of this because, again, I think -- personally believe that the four components of this bill, several components that were in the bipartisan bill but aren’t in the Reid bill, will still be bipartisan. I think -- I don’t think any of the ideas that I’ve listed here today are uniquely Democratic ideas that have dispensed with Republican ideas in their stead.

Q Can I follow up?

MR. GIBBS: I’ll come back around.

Q Robert, could you set us straight on the President’s role in deciding where the trial of Khalid Sheikh Mohammed will be?

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, obviously the decision was made appropriately in conjunction with an interagency process by the Attorney General. But obviously there are efforts on Capitol Hill through legislation to restrict either the type of or the venue of a trial for Khalid Sheikh Mohammed and his co-conspirators. That, by definition, involves the White House and ultimately the President.

So since this effort has moved from strictly a Justice Department decision to something that’s in the legislative arena, the White House and by definition the President are involved.

Q But it’s being depicted as if he is actually the person who is saying this is where it will be.

MR. GIBBS: He’s not in the Map Room with a big map picking a location. Obviously the President and members of -- White House staff have an equity in this, given what’s going on, on Capitol Hill legislatively.

Yes, sir.

Q Following up on that, though -- I’ll let you read your note first if you would like.

Q Is it a Valentine’s Day note? (Laughter.) Does it have Snoopy on it? (Laughter.)

Q -- passing notes --

MR. GIBBS: Well, I will -- I was wrong earlier. If you want to let folks know, just got word that the debt limit PAYGO will be signed later today.

Q Behind closed doors?

Q Coverage?

MR. GIBBS: Not on my note. (Laughter.) Go ahead.

Q Following up on the Khalid Sheikh Mohammed question, on Sunday, when Katie Couric asked the President, have you ruled out trying Khalid Sheikh Mohammed in New York City, he said, "I have not ruled it out." Wasn’t he saying there that, by saying "I have not ruled it out," that he is essentially the decision-maker on this?

MR. GIBBS: No, I think he’s part of -- I mean, obviously he’s the Commander-in-Chief. Obviously he said that he had not ruled it out; that we would take into account the security and logistical concerns that had been brought forth by New York City. And those will be, as he said, taken into account before a final decision is made.

Q And the final decision, as he strongly implied here, will be by him?

MR. GIBBS: Again, I think -- I think he will have strong equities in this decision and will hear from a lot of different people.

Q When do you think the decision will come down?

MR. GIBBS: I don’t know. I know that -- I know there were -- it was brought up in a meeting that I was in earlier today, but it was not a decision-making meeting.

Q And then you said he’ll be hearing from a lot of people, then the input is coming to him for him to make a decision?

MR. GIBBS: Well, no, I think -- I think he will hear from a lot of people; he will be involved in a larger process.

Q So he’s much more deeply involved personally now that he was in the original decision?

MR. GIBBS: Well, again -- again, because of -- because Congress has become involved in this, because legislation could restrict the venue and the type of trial, the White House is more involved, yes.

Q Does the President think that there was kind of a political tin ear here to make the decision to try him in New York in the first place, since it looks like it’s heading in a different direction now?

MR. GIBBS: No, look, Chip, I’ll remind you that some of the people that -- some of the people that you hear now that are opposed to the trial in New York were in November supportive of the trial. Again, we’re going to take into account security and logistical concerns that those -- that those individuals now have. The cost of the trial obviously is one thing, and all of that will be taken into account.

Q If I could just follow up on Ben and Jake’s line of questioning here. I think your answer is basically that, in the end, most of the stuff will be taken up and hopefully on a bipartisan basis. But isn’t bipartisanship also about tone? And by doing what Harry Reid did yesterday -- here you had four members working together -- I mean, people were looking around going, what’s wrong here? We’ve got four people working together on a bipartisan basis -- and then we realized what was wrong here -- Harry Reid was about to slap them in the face, or as Chuck Grassley said, pull the rug out from under this effort again. It’s tone --

MR. GIBBS: No, again, I just --

Q -- he destroyed the tone of bipartisanship.

MR. GIBBS: No, no, I think that’s over -- an over-reading of the situation. Again, the centerpiece of -- the centerpiece for job creation in the bipartisan legislation was the Schumer-Hatch small business hiring tax cut. That’s the --

Q Right. And now Hatch is furious, and so is --

MR. GIBBS: -- that’s now the hallmark of legislation that will move in the Senate.

Look, here’s what I think is most important, is, are we going to -- are we going to get these individual items and items that aren’t in this legislation passed to benefit the American people, and are we going to get them passed in a bipartisan way? I think the answer to both of those questions is yet.

Q So all that matters in the end is whether they pass with bipartisan votes, not whether people are actually working together in a concerted effort.

MR. GIBBS: No, because I think -- I think you’re going to have bipartisan votes because they’re working together on ideas that appeal to both Democrats and Republicans.

The President’s example -- the President’s example that he used that Jake brought up the other day was when you just have idea that appeals to one party on this side or just an idea that appeals to the party on the other side. Tax cuts to encourage equipment investment is not a partisan idea. Reauthorizing and extending the highway bill for a year always gets strong bipartisan support. Build America bonds will have bipartisan support. The hiring tax credit, written by a Democratic senator and a Republican senator by definition will have bipartisan support. What’s not in that bill, extending tax cuts, will likely have bipartisan support, including something like the research and development tax credit, which is extended year after year.

Extending unemployment compensation and health care for the unemployed will garner bipartisan support because it’s not a partisan idea. Extending a lending program --

Q Does the White House support the hardball partisan tactic of --

MR. GIBBS: Again, I don’t -- I think you’re greatly over-reading and greatly over-simplifying what’s going on here.

Q The Republicans don’t -- they think it was a hardball political tactic.

MR. GIBBS: I just don’t see it.

Yes.

Q Attorney General Holder’s comments to The Washington Post -- "At the end of the day, wherever this case is tried, in whatever forum, what we have to ensure is that it’s done as transparently as possible and in adherence to the rules" -- is that a softening of the administration’s position about holding the KSM trial in Article III courts?

MR. GIBBS: No, because the question that was posed to him asks if fair trials can be held in military commissions. And I can get you a transcript of --

Q We should not read it as a new openness to military commissions for KSM?

MR. GIBBS: No, look, understanding this, that military commissions had traditionally been something that had faced, through the Supreme Court, constitutional problems until this administration, working on a bipartisan basis with Capitol Hill, reformed that process.

Q Do you feel like, or does the administration feel, that military commissions are inferior to Article III courts?

MR. GIBBS: No, I think, again, I think the way that things have -- I think the reform efforts that had been brought about ensure the type of protections that would withstand constitutional and Supreme Court scrutiny.

Q Is the administration considering a military commission for KSM?

MR. GIBBS: I would just go back to what I said earlier in the sense that there are a series of things that are being looked at, most appropriately the security and logistical concerns of those in New York, as a decision is being made.

Q And very quickly, would the President be involved, as he is with the location of any civilian court trial, be involved in the consideration of whether it should be moved to a military commission or would that interfere with the Justice Department’s independence?

MR. GIBBS: Look, I think I’ve discussed why the President is involved and how he’ll take part in that.

Laura.

Q So just following right up on that, you said -- she asked if there were -- it’s been asked if there would be -- if military commissions were something you were considering and your response was, there are a series of things being looked at. So I would read that to mean that, yes, that is one of the things; is that correct?

MR. GIBBS: I would just say this. Without illuminating all of the factors that are involved, first and foremost there are, as I’ve said before, security concerns, logistical concerns, about where you would hold the trial in New York, what that would mean for the downtown area, that have to be taken into account. But as you heard the President say last week, he’s not ruled out the fact that Khalid Sheikh Mohammed would still be tried in a federal court in New York.

So I think that’s -- first and foremost, that’s what the President is focused on.

Q But he hasn’t ruled out the other option though?

MR. GIBBS: Focused on the decision at hand.

Q On the issue of recess appointments, when you talk about this issue you talk about people who haven’t had a chance to even come up for a vote because they’re being held by one senator over this, that, or the other. Does the President view it as an option to use recess appointments for somebody like Craig Becker, who did in fact have a majority but not the supermajority needed? And did -- obviously his nomination did come up a vote.

MR. GIBBS: Look, I think there are -- the President has nominated qualified, very qualified individuals for the positions that he’s nominated them for. We hope and believe that after the discussion that the President had with Senator McConnell on Tuesday, it’s clear that the Senate heard that conversation and acted.

But you heard -- you saw the President in a statement last night -- he’s not going to foreclose that if what continues to stall -- if the stalling tactics continue, he’s not ruling out using recess appointments for anybody that he’s nominated.

The best way to avoid that? The best way to avoid that is for the Senate to work through this process.

Q So in the case of Becker, would you view that as a stalling technique to --

MR. GIBBS: Yes.

Q So it is a possibility that you would -- he might be --

MR. GIBBS: Anybody that the President has nominated that hasn’t been approved is somebody that the President would consider --

Q What if he only got 49 votes? Would he consider it in that case?

MR. GIBBS: I’m not going to go through a whole host of different scenarios.

Mark.

Q Does the President believe that’s what the founders had in mind with the recess appointment provision -- to give him the authority to circumvent a Senate action or inaction on nominees, when the Senate --

MR. GIBBS: I have not spoken constitutionally with the President about his theory on it. I think the practical measure is -- again, understand that while the -- what the Senate did last night, in moving a series of nominees that the President thought were qualitatively and quantitatively different than what had been held at that point in the Bush administration, is still that way, right? There are 63 that had been pending for a month. They dealt with about half of them, right? So instead of a 10-1 ratio with the Bush administration, we have a 5-1 ratio. I don’t think the President believes that’s an acceptable number either.

The best way to deal with this, though, is by having the Senate work through the process of voting up or down on these nominees.

Q Do you remember whether then-Senator Obama objected when Senator Reid kept the chamber in session during the last two years of the Bush administration so that he could not make any recess appointment?

MR. GIBBS: If you may have that --

Q I was asking if you recall.

MR. GIBBS: I don’t recall. I don’t recall.

Q All right. One other question. I wondered what you thought of a CBS News/New York Times poll finding last night --

MR. GIBBS: CBS News. Never really heard of it. (Laughter.)

Q -- that showed that only 12 percent of those surveyed believed they got a tax cut over the last year.

MR. GIBBS: I’d say they called the wrong people. No, I -- (laughter) -- yes, I know -- (laughter) -- no, look, I think what -- look, I think what happened, and one of the things that I think will go through this bipartisan jobs process is state and local aid, right? Understand, if you look at last month’s jobs report, the number of state and local government jobs lost was 41,000 out of that monthly jobs report, because I think in many cases -- and you see now, too, the importance of something like state and local aid, because as bad as state budgets were last year, they’re actually worse this year.

So I think even as -- even as people may or may not have felt what they got from the federal government, they may have gotten something different from their state and local government in order to make up for a collective budget shortfall among the 50 states in something that exceeded $125 billion.

So, look, I think that -- look, is it part of the frustration? Of course. Ninety-five percent of working people in this country saw their taxes cut last year.

Q What percent?

MR. GIBBS: Ninety-five. But only, apparently, 12 percent felt it.

Roger.

Q Robert, back to the terror suspects. I want to make sure I’m clear here. What exactly needs to happen before we get a decision? Is the President, for example, is he awaiting some specific recommendations from Holder, given all the --

MR. GIBBS: No, they’re in the process of going -- they’re in the process of working through the many issues, some of which had been brought up by those in New York about the concerns of a trial there.

Q But is there -- you also have to wait for Congress to act on whether to restrict the funding also, too.

MR. GIBBS: I don’t think the President’s decision is -- I don’t think the timeline for a presidential decision is held up by the timing of whether the Senate or the House act on -- individually on legislation.

Q Is he awaiting any particular recommendations from Mr. Holder?

MR. GIBBS: I’m not going to get into the process of what’s going on, just to say that that process is ongoing.

Q Would he favor a military commission trial short of being ordered to do so by Congress?

MR. GIBBS: Again, I think Savannah largely asked that, and, again, this is a process that’s ongoing.

Q Just follow?

MR. GIBBS: Yes.

Q Robert, what kind of message are we sending to the countries like India who are dealing in a tougher way with the terrorists, and also helping the United States on a global war against terrorism, as far as this trial and being soft on the terrorists and here, what they feel back home?

MR. GIBBS: I’m sorry, I don’t -- I didn’t get the last part of that, Goyal.

Q Many countries feel that U.S. should be tougher than those countries that -- who are with the United States as far as dealing with the terrorists.

MR. GIBBS: Look, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed -- I forget the exact date that he was brought into custody, it’s been a long time. One way or the other, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed will be brought to justice by these decisions. I don’t think you can be any tougher than that. This President has, without going into great detail, taken the fight internationally to terror suspects. We will -- we are going to seek -- we will seek justice -- justice delayed, by the way -- on behalf of thousands that were killed on September 11th because of the hateful acts of somebody like Khalid Sheikh Mohammed.

Q And one on the economy, please? Follow on the economy?

MR. GIBBS: Let me go back to Major.

Q On the Senate jobs bill, setting aside the political question for a second, does the White House believe it’s large enough to have a legitimate economic effect to create jobs?

MR. GIBBS: Well, again, Major, I don’t think that -- I don’t think what has the umbrella of a jobs bill is going to be the only components that the House and the Senate deal with in creating jobs. Right? I think extending unemployment benefits is something that is important for those that don’t have work in sustaining their effort to help find work. That’s not in what the Senate will deal with at the end of this recess, but is a component of a series of measures that the President outlined either at the Brookings speech that he gave, at the State of the Union, or that’s in his budget.

So again, I don’t look at what --

Q -- not in there, either.

MR. GIBBS: Right. But I don’t look at what -- and the administration doesn’t look at what is going to happen at the end of February when the Senate considers these four provisions to be the end of that consideration of measures dealing with economic stability.

Q Would the administration therefore continue to prioritize whatever other follow-on legislation comes from the Senate and the House on jobs over any other issues, specifically health care?

MR. GIBBS: Yes. Look, I think the President has --

Q By definition is to elongate the process of dealing with jobs legislation -- having it in smaller bills.

MR. GIBBS: Well, look -- well, look, the legislative process will work through itself. But, look, obviously some things you’re going to have on because for unemployment benefits or for COBRA you meet deadlines for expiring benefits that these individuals that are unemployed need.

I think we’re pleased with the pacing of this. This was something that, if you go from the State of the Union to what the Senate will consider, understanding that the House has already passed a fairly --

Q Much larger.

MR. GIBBS: -- big package, so you’ve got half that process done.

Q I want to give you a chance to address something that was in the Washington Post editorial -- or op-ed section today by former Attorney General Mukasey. Let me just read it to you and get your chance for response: "Contrary to what the White House homeland security advisor and the attorney general had suggested, if not said outright, not only was there no authority or policy in place under the Bush administration requiring that all those detained in the United States be treated as criminal defendants, but relevant authority was and is the opposite."

MR. GIBBS: Read the last part again.

Q Picking up where? "But relevant" -- "There is no authority or policy in place under the Bush administration requiring that all those detained in the United States be treated as criminal defendants," which Mukasey suggests your administration has said was the Bush administration policy. He goes on to write, "But relevant authority was and is the opposite."

MR. GIBBS: Well, I don’t think that --

Q Do you disagree with his --

MR. GIBBS: I don’t think that either Judge Mukasey or Attorney General Mukasey would argue that in the process of somebody being an enemy combatant that they wouldn’t, in fighting their detention, have access, based on his ruling, to counsel. Right?

Q Access to habeas petition.

MR. GIBBS: Right.

Q Not all other rights. As he goes on to write -- I don’t want to go through the whole thing -- but he says, in the Hamdi case, and in relevant Padillas dealings, habeas petitions were created as a legal venue but not all the other rights --

MR. GIBBS: Well, but let’s also --

Q -- that he says you guys are accusing the Bush administration of granting in a blanket way.

MR. GIBBS: But let’s also deal with what Attorney General Mukasey and others in the Bush administration, they’ve suggested that we didn’t -- because military commissions weren’t set up, that somebody like a Richard Reid, Mirandized five minutes after he was taken off of an American Airlines flight, couldn’t have been held because we didn’t have military commissions.

Military commissions aren’t a venue for interrogation. Military commissions are a venue for adjudicating justice. Is Attorney General Mukasey saying in his op-ed that the United States of America, the minute that they walked a Mirandized Richard Reid off of an American flight in Boston, didn’t have law of war detention? It’s a principle that has -- it’s a principle that we’ve had for as long as this country has existed. So I don’t know if he presumed that law of war detention didn’t exist on that day.

Q On the KSM trial location, how concerned is the President or the White House legislative team about what appears to be a growing number of Senate Democrats signing on to legislation to block all funding entirely? And to what degree is the President telephoning members to try to persuade them to either hold off or change their mind?

MR. GIBBS: I don’t -- I do not know of calls that the President has made. There may have been calls from the Counsel’s Office or from Legislative Affairs to discuss people’s opinion on legislation or on potential upcoming votes. Look, I’d just leave it --

Q This would assume a very important consideration of Congress in this entire debate, would it not?

MR. GIBBS: There’s no question about it. And I think it is an important aspect of this. It’s an important aspect of our broader efforts in dealing with terrorism, and it’s something that the administration is working through actively.

Q And the President would not be personally involved why, if it’s so important?

MR. GIBBS: No, no, I just -- I do not -- I’m just saying I do not believe he has made phone calls -- you asked me specifically about phone calls to Democrats about the legislation. I will go back and look at the phone logs that are sent around, but I do not -- nothing pops into my head, but let me double check.

Q Robert, I want to try the jobs bill thing again. On Chip’s point of tone, Senator Reid changed course, and then effectively challenged Republicans to oppose the bill. That was a fairly significant change in tone, and Republicans feel that they are being set up politically here, to some degree. Can they trust the President and Democratic leadership in Congress when they talk about bipartisanship if this is the first kind of experience they’re having since the State of the Union and a lot of this bipartisan talk?

MR. GIBBS: Of course Republicans can trust the President. They were in a room not far from where we’re sitting discussing many of the elements that will be voted on at the end of February on a jobs bill.

Again, I think that -- again, I think you’ll see a strong bipartisan vote. I think you’ll see -- and I think you’ll see a strong bipartisan vote on aspects that aren’t in this legislation but are part of what Democrats and Republicans alike believe is important for stabilizing our economy.

Q Does the White House understand Republican frustration over this, though? It sounds to me like you’re saying, what’s the big deal?

MR. GIBBS: If you’re asking if we’re -- have we been frustrated about bipartisanship for the better part of the past more than a year? Yes. I mean, we’ve --

Q Specifically on this point, on this -- that the White House came out yesterday, endorsed the process that was taking place; that changes; Republicans are angry and confused. Do you understand that?

MR. GIBBS: Look, I -- the President didn’t talk about bipartisanship on accident. The President has throughout his tenure as President been frustrated that we haven’t worked together more -- not just about what we’re doing economically now, but what we had to do economically a little more than a year ago when the times were even more dire; when we were facing job loss in the, as we’ve discussed in here, the 700,000 range each month; when we didn’t know if we’d wake up and the financial system that day would have collapsed.

Look, I can understand the frustration of Democrats and Republicans alike that regrettably the process of Washington has overwhelmed a series of ideas that the American people want to see work for them on behalf of the cares and concerns that they have -- absolutely.

Q Robert, just two questions?

MR. GIBBS: Maybe come back at the end.

Q Okay.

MR. GIBBS: Like a cherry on top of the sundae. (Laughter.)

Q Going back to Mark’s question on the public perception of the tax cuts, does that reflect a marketing problem?

MR. GIBBS: No, again, I think it -- look, again, it’s hard to demonstrate to people that did get a tax cut at a federal level if they saw based on a budget shortfall in a state that may had to have raised taxes and fees.

Look, that’s why -- you know, look, I think that -- I think that the American people look at a number of different factors that go into understanding and speaking to the frustration that they have about this economy. Right? These things -- they don’t happen in silos. Right? What happens at a federal level and what happens at a state level are felt by both -- both of those are felt by individuals on the ground.

I think what it demonstrates is that whether there’s four aspects of a package that’s moving through the Senate, that there are going to have to be a series of things that happen in coordination with all levels of government in order to get this economy moving again. If the federal government adds money through recovery to stimulate demand while states are having to pull back greatly, you’re going to create a situation where that’s not going to ultimately be felt. That’s why one of the big aspects of the recovery plan that was originally passed by Congress was state and local fiscal relief through FMAP funding, which cushioned that blow.

Q You also structured the tax cut in a way that was supposed to maximize its economic impact by adding it in these little --

MR. GIBBS: Maybe that’s --

Q Did that sort of minimize the political impact?

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, you know, would I have liked to hire somebody to knock on everyone’s door, you know, like the Publishers Clearing House guys and the big check in the balloons and the TV cameras? Sure, maybe that would have had a -- maybe it would have had a greater effect. I think what the economic team found in the structuring of that tax cut was that if I hand you $350, and you know you’re not likely to get handed $350 every week, you’re going to pocket and save that money, because you’re struggling economically.

You’re much more likely to put that into the economy in increased consumer spending and demand if you understand that it is going to be something that you feel maybe not all at once but a little bit over a series of time, in that you can increase your demand by that much. That’s the way the tax cut was structured. Obviously the marketers got kicked out of that meeting.

Yes, ma’am.

Q Robert, you guys have been very critical of Republicans on filibusters. So what message does the White House think it sends when on the jobs bill Senator Reid is practically forcing a filibuster by filing for cloture before there’s been even a minute of floor debate and precluding the chance for any amendments?

MR. GIBBS: Well, again, this is not going to be the last bite of the apple that the Senate has. It’s not -- these are four very bipartisan ideas. One of them is named by -- the name involves a Democrat senator and a Republican senator, by definition a bipartisan idea. Four elements that individually will garner bipartisan support and as a whole will garner bipartisan support. Again, this is not the last time that the Senate is going to take up measures that involve economic stability.

Q But you guys aren’t bothered by the way he’s not allowing for any amendments or --

MR. GIBBS: Look, again, we’ll have plenty of time to go back and do -- we’re going to need to extend unemployment benefits. We’re going to need to extend small business lending. All of that will be part of this.

Christy.

Q Robert, there are reports that China has asked the White House to cancel its meeting with the Dalai Lama. Do you know if that’s true?

MR. GIBBS: I know that obviously we discussed the fact that this meeting would happen on our trip to Beijing. Before I announced it we talked to them and said we’re going to announce this meeting. I do not know -- I do not know if their specific reaction was to cancel it. If that was their specific reaction, the meeting will take place as planned next Thursday.

Q Will the President discuss the shift to Tibetan independence with the Dalai Lama?

MR. GIBBS: You know, instead of -- we’ll have a readout of what they do talk about as a result of that meeting.

Q What is the official U.S. position on Tibetan independence?

MR. GIBBS: I will get that information to you after that meeting. Nice try, though.

Yes, sir.

Q Robert, I have a question for you on "don’t ask, don’t tell." Yesterday there was a report in Politico saying the White House hasn’t provided Congress with a clear path forward on this issue following the President’s State of the Union announcement. What kind of guidance is the President giving lawmakers as the Pentagon undertakes its review? And is the President expecting repeal legislation on his desk this year?

MR. GIBBS: The last part again?

Q Is the President expecting repeal legislation on his desk this year?

MR. GIBBS: Well, again, the President outlined in the State of the Union, and you heard Secretary Gates and Admiral Mullen discuss a process that will take place, if that process results in legislation by year’s end, the President would certainly sign it.

I think most importantly, the President, the military, and others feel like we have the best process structure moving forward to end "don’t ask, don’t tell."

Christy, on your thing, obviously the President will discuss with the Dalai Lama there his belief that he and the Chinese continue to discuss the issues that they have relating to Tibet, and I assume we’ll have a readout after that.

David, do you have anything?

Q No.

Q I have a follow-up, actually.

MR. GIBBS: Okay.

Q Will the President support a legislative moratorium on discharges under "don’t ask, don’t tell" at this time until the Pentagon completes its review?

MR. GIBBS: I would point you to what the -- the testimony from Gates and Mullen in what that process will -- the process that will take place over the course of the next year.

Yes, ma’am.

Q On Tuesday at the news conference when the President talked about the jobs bill, back then he mentioned doing this incrementally. He used that word, "incrementally" --

MR. GIBBS: I’m sorry, I can’t hear you.

Q At the news conference on Tuesday when the President talked about the jobs bill he mentioned doing it incrementally. So even back then, was he talking about either splitting it or doing it --

MR. GIBBS: Again, they’re ideas that were outlined -- they’re ideas that the President outlined, again, in his speech in December and in the State of the Union that -- ideas that the House didn’t pass, partly because their jobs package happened before his speech in December. There were different ideas that the Senate was considering, not all of which included the President’s ideas. We didn’t think then and we don’t think now that this is a one-shot deal. And I think that’s what’s most important to keep in mind.

Yes, sir.

Q Given what you call the frustration with the sheer amount of cloture votes, has the President, the administration and through Senator Reid, ever talked about calling the Republicans bluff, making them go to an actual filibuster, especially over one of these non-controversial nominees --

MR. GIBBS: Well, look, again, it’s a process that takes an inordinate amount of time on something that shouldn’t be controversial.

I think instead of -- I think the best way to move forward is to go through each of the very qualified nominees that are held for no reason other than, in some cases last week, because somebody didn’t get a couple of earmarks, and instead do this in a way that takes qualified individuals that have been nominated and allows them to serve in government. I think that’s the -- that’s the most important way.

Q Robert, just two questions.

MR. GIBBS: All right.

Q Chicago Tribune reports that five days after Scott Lee Cohen won the Democratic nomination for lieutenant governor of Illinois in the primary, Cohen withdrew after reports of beating his wife, using a knife to threaten a girlfriend prostitute, tax evasion, and use of anabolic steroids. And my question: Did the President ever have any concern about former lieutenant governor nominee Cohen being supported by Mayor Daley?

MR. GIBBS: I don’t know who made what endorsements during the primary. Obviously the President, and many staffers here, were concerned about exactly what you read and think the right decision was made to leave the ticket.

Q As the honorary President of the Boy Scouts of America, what is the President’s reaction to the New York Post report that because the Scouts have a policy similar to our armed forces, "New York institutions are barring scouts from meeting or recruiting in all public schools"?

MR. GIBBS: I have not seen the New York Post report and can have somebody --

Q Well, does he think that it’s fair for them to cut the Scouts out of this? How does he support -- does he disagree with the Scouts or what? (Laughter.)

MR. GIBBS: Where are you on this, Lester? Are you -- is this --

Q Nowhere. (Laughter.)

MR. GIBBS: Yes, I do know where.

Q I support the Scouts. Do you support the Scouts?

MR. GIBBS: My son is -- we’re constructing the pinewood derby car as we speak. (Laughter.)

Q He’s a Scout, your son is a Scout?

MR. GIBBS: He is, and I think he’s going to be disappointed if his car doesn’t do well, but his father tends to be constructionally challenged.

Thanks, guys.

END